Published: 12:43 AM, 07 April 2026
China Wants International Institutions to Follow Multipolar Methodologies
Chinese foreign policy, driven by the goal of national rejuvenation under President Xi Jinping, has shifted from a cautious "hide brightness, nourish obscurity" approach to a more assertive, confident stance with underpinnings of “striving for achievement” aiming to expand global influence.
Key pillars of the novelty added to China’s international outlooks include the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) for economic connectivity, South-South cooperation with developing nations, and upholding the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence—specifically non-interference in internal affairs and sovereignty. China seeks to reshape international institutions to be more multipolar, advocating for Global South interests while defending its territorial claims and pursuing economic development.
To look back on ancient China, imperial rulers of China favoured diplomatic rituals that bolstered their own ideal of global centrality. Given this self-portrait, the primitive Chinese monarchs had territories and kingdoms in China’s orbit dispatch envoys to perform ritualistic submissions. Indeed, given their considerable economic and military power, the Ming and Qing empires at times shaped the regional order around their ideal of Chinese centrality.
Long-standing principles of Chinese foreign policy are expressed in the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence: mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. The Chinese leadership originally enumerated these principles in 1954 when China, with a communist government, was trying to reach out to the non-communist countries of Asia to assure them that China would not interfere in their internal affairs.
Despite changes in the international environment and China's policies, the Five Principles have continued to serve a useful purpose. They offer an alternative to the American conception of world order - one in which international regimes and institutions, often reflecting U.S. interests and values, limit the rights of sovereign states to develop and sell weapons of mass destruction, repress opposition and violate human rights, pursue mercantilist economic policies that interfere with free trade, and damage the environment. China's alternative design for the world stresses the equal, uninfringeable sovereignty of all states large and small, Western and non-Western, rich and poor, democratic and authoritarian, each to run its own system as it sees fit, whether its methods suit Western standards or not. Another Chinese term for such a system is "multipolarity." The Five Principles explain why America should not be able to impose its values on weaker nations. Thus the core idea behind the Five Principles as interpreted by China today is sovereignty - that one state has no right to interfere in the internal affairs of another state.
A recent expression of this idea is the concept of "building a community of shared future for mankind" articulated by Chinese leader Xi Jinping. This idea means that all countries have equal sovereignty - none can intervene in the internal affairs of others; that countries should jointly manage global affairs democratically, rather than through the dictates of the most powerful states; that countries should engage in "win-win cooperation" to "build a world of common prosperity"; and that countries should treat the diversity of civilizations not as "a source of global conflict but as an engine driving the advance of human civilizations." As in the past, the Chinese proposal is intended to contrast with what China portrays as the coercive and self-interested foreign policy pursued by the United States.
Although China has become an advanced and wealthy country - although only middle-income on a per capita basis - it still considers itself a Third World country that sides with the developing world and does not align itself with any major power. Chinese spokesmen say that their country seeks peace so that it can concentrate on development.
Chinese officials' position on most disputes around the world is that they should be solved by peaceful negotiations. This has been their view on the war in Afghanistan, the struggle between Israel and the Arabs, the rivalry between North and South Korea, and ethnic conflicts in Eastern Europe and Africa. At the United Nations, China often abstains or refrains from voting on resolutions that mandate sanctions or interventions to reverse invasions, end civil wars, or stop terrorism. As a permanent Security Council member China's negative vote would constitute a veto, angering countries who favor intervention. By not voting or casting an abstention, China has allowed several interventions to go ahead without reversing its commitment to non-intervention.
Of course, these articulated moral principles do not mean that Chinese foreign policy is purely idealistic. In most cases, the announced principles fit the needs of Chinese strategy. Especially in places relatively far from China, such as the Middle East, Africa, and Latin America, a few simple principles reflect Chinese interests most of the time. To oppose great-power intervention and defend sovereignty and equality among states is not only high-minded but represents China's national interest in regions where China does not wish to intervene itself. The farther one gets from China's borders, the easier it is for China to match rhetoric with interests. Even when there are inconsistencies and tradeoffs in Chinese policy, the rhetoric is flexible enough to accommodate these deviations.
Another important point refers to the realignment of Southeast Asian international trade under Beijing’s vigilance.
Singapore's Prime Minister and Minister for Finance, Lawrence Wong, paid a visit to China from March 25 to 28, 2026, reports CGTN. During the trip, he attended the Boao Forum for Asia Annual Conference 2026 in Hainan Province and visited the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). This marks his second visit to China within just nine months of taking office as prime minister, as well as the first visit to Hong Kong by a Singaporean Prime Minister since 2014. In today's shifting global and regional landscape, the visit represents far more than a routine continuation of existing policy – it is a deliberate recalibration of Singapore's approach to China as the city-state faces increasingly constricted strategic space on the world stage.
At the regional level, Southeast Asia is undergoing a new phase of supply chain reconfiguration and economic integration. Economies such as Vietnam, Thailand, and Malaysia are fiercely competing for manufacturing relocation and capital inflows as they vie for regional hub status. For a long time, Singapore has leveraged its strengths in finance, shipping, legal services, and governance to serve as a "nodal state" within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Yet these advantages are by no means immutable.
To sustain this role, Singapore must not only preserve its traditional strengths but also consolidate its position as a key bridge between China and Southeast Asia. In this context, deepening cooperation with China represents not merely an extension of economic ties but a strategic necessity to maintain its regional relevance.
Beyond this lies the broader backdrop of intensifying competition between China and the US, which has brought growing uncertainty to the global order. For Singapore, maintaining a delicate balance among major powers while avoiding forced alignment remains central to its foreign policy. Wong has repeatedly stressed that Singapore does not view international relations as a zero-sum game and is capable of maintaining strong ties with major economies, including China, the US, and others, simultaneously.
Such positioning is less rhetorical than practical – it reflects a small country's effort to preserve strategic maneuvering space under pressure. The visit, therefore, sends a clear signal: Singapore will continue to anchor its ties with China even as it navigates a more complex external environment.
Moreover, Southeast Asia is rapidly becoming a premier global manufacturing hub, driven by the "China plus one" strategy, which seeks to diversify supply chains away from over-reliance on a single source. The region offers competitive labor costs, growing infrastructure, and strategic trade agreements. Key sectors include electronics (Malaysia), automotive (Thailand), and textiles (Vietnam), often using a hub-and-spoke model with Singapore as a key logistics hub.
At the same time China has become a powerful force in global governance. Increasingly, its efforts appear to be deepening divides with other countries, particularly democracies that are committed to existing norms and institutions. Ultimately, this divide could make it harder for states to collaboratively address major international challenges. The divide could even create two distinct systems of global governance, badly undermining multilateral cooperation.
Mahfuz Ul Hasib Chowdhury is a
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