A recent piece portrays a misleading picture of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) as a region in perpetual crisis, driving ethnic communities into Myanmar. This narrative, while dramatic, fundamentally misreads the situation on the ground and ignores decades of tangible progress, active peace-building efforts, and comprehensive development planning by successive Bangladeshi governments, both past and present. The claim that people have been fleeing violence in the CHT for decades, and that successive governments never displayed any commitment to ethnic groups, is a sweeping generalization that collapses under scrutiny. In fact, the modern history of the CHT is defined not by state-sanctioned expulsion, but by a landmark peace process and an ongoing, though incomplete, commitment to reconciliation.
The Peace Accord: It’s a Framework, not a Failure
The 1997 Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord is the cornerstone of this reality. Ignoring its fundamental execution would be equivalent to labeling it as a failure. According to an official update presented by Bangladesh to the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues in April 2026, of the 72 provisions in the agreement, 65 have been entirely implemented, three have been partially implemented, and just four are still being actively implemented. This is not evidence of a government attempting to drive out its indigenous population. Successive administrations, including the last interim government, have sustained institutional commitment. In January 2025, the interim government reorganized the CHT Peace Accord Implementation and Monitoring Committee, which included CHT Regional Council Chairman Jyotirindra Bodhipriya (Santu) Larma and was presided over by the Foreign Affairs Adviser. This group met for the second time in 2026 and keeps a close eye on developments. Additionally, a practical way to increase indigenous voices in national decision-making is the recent appointment of a special assistant on ethnic affairs with the State Minister position. A state attempting to eradicate its ethnic minorities would not act in this manner.
In 2025-2026: It’s an Active Development, not Displacement
In contrast to the chaos portrayed, targeted development projects intended for securing the future of Bangladesh's ethnic communities have risen dramatically in 2025 and 2026. The government has initiated innovative initiatives aimed at achieving economic independence. A three-year strategy to cultivate bamboo, which is acknowledged as a tool for environmental preservation and economic development, is now in progress. In order to integrate CHT’s agricultural products into domestic and foreign markets, initiatives to grow high-value cash crops like coffee and cashew nuts are being expanded concurrently.
In a landmark move for educational equity, the government announced in March 2026 a plan to introduce Starlink satellite internet in 100 schools across the CHT within six months. This initiative, aimed at connecting students in remote hilly areas to quality urban teachers, is a concrete investment in the future of ethnic youth, directly countering narratives of marginalization. These domestic efforts are complemented by major international partnerships. A notable $12.5 million project with the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and the Government of Canada, running from 2025 to 2028, is focused on Biodiversity Ecosystems Restoration for community resilience in the CHT Region. This project explicitly benefits over 180,000 people in climate-vulnerable and marginalized, particularly indigenous, communities, focusing on women’s leadership in ecosystem management and sustainable livelihoods. The international community is actively investing in CHT’s stability, a fact incompatible with the crisis narrative.
Don't judge the whole situation by just a few stories.
The diplomatic piece primarily relies upon a small number of testimonies from those who left the CHT as early as 2013 and 2014, before the complete development of the post-accord peace infrastructure. Additionally, it confuses a state-sponsored deportation effort with isolated criminal occurrences and the rise of armed groups such as the Kuki-Chin National Front (KCNF). The reality is more complex. The emergence of KCNF has indeed caused instability, but the government’s response has been rectified and includes a parallel track of peace negotiations. In April 2026, a peace dialogue was held between a government peace committee and the KNF in Bandarban, described by participants as occurring in a cordial environment. The government is actively engaging with armed groups to bring them into the peace process rather than merely fighting a war, as outlined in the CHT Accord. Additionally, the piece's suggestion of state-sponsored land grabs overlooks the government's proactive attempts to settle property disputes through the CHT Land Dispute Resolution Commission, a crucial organization authorized by the Accord. Even if there are still problems, such as accusations against private businesses like Lama Rubber Industries, which campaigners have properly criticized, these are problems with corporate responsibility and governance rather than proof of a deliberate state program to exclude ethnic communities.
No one claims the Chittagong Hill Tracts is a paradise. Land disputes, the legacy of past conflicts, and the challenge of fully integrating the accord remain. However, to characterize the region as a site of state-led ethnic cleansing driving people toward Myanmar is an analytical failure.
The Myanmar border is not a safe haven people are fleeing to; it is a region of profound instability following a military coup and civil war. The real story of the CHT is currently one of resilience, development, and an imperfect but genuine political commitment to peace. It is a story of 65 implemented Accord clauses, satellite internet for hill schools, international biodiversity projects, and active peace talks. It is time to move beyond tired crisis narratives and engage with the complex, feasible, and hopeful reality on the ground in Bangladesh’s Chittagong Hill Tracts.
Imran Hossain teaches
Business Administration in
Bangladesh Army International University of Science and Technology (BAIUST), Cumilla.
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