Published: 01:42 AM, 23 June 2026
Weaponizing ACC: Awami League Era Vs Interim Regime
Human rights and fundamental freedoms are being severely curtailed by the politically motivated machinations of the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), even before any clear context is established. Under existing laws, an individual is presumed innocent until proven guilty by a final judicial verdict. Yet, the reality remains starkly different.
During the fascist regime, the ACC was systematically weaponized to suppress freedom of expression and dissent. Long before formal legal proceedings could even commence, the machinery of "media trials" fueled by anonymous complaints and fabricated allegations was deployed to publicly defame and socially ostracize eminent citizens, academics, politicians, media personalities, scientists, researchers and professionals across various sectors. This destructive practice persists unabated today. Reliable sources indicate that the current interim government is also targeting these individuals to secure illicit and unethical advantages. This has raised a critical and urgent question:
The relevant Search Committee must investigate this matter, or an official resolution must be instituted to guarantee that no individual is subjected to media trials or public harassment prior to the conclusion of due process. The mainstream media holds extensive documentation regarding the misconduct of several top ACC officials, the exposure of which will gradually foster good governance. Furthermore, while commitments were made to publicly disclose the asset declarations of ACC officials under the interim administration, those promises now appear entirely far-fetched.
The ultimate testament to their administrative failure is the volume of Bangladeshi capital flight into Swiss banks during this interim tenure within a single year; these deposits have surged by approximately 41%. Despite this, the ACC remains willfully blind a direct consequence of a profound deficit in honesty and institutional accountability. They have utterly failed to trace or penalize those who amassed massive wealth both domestically and abroad while shielding themselves under the pretext of fighting the "Indian bogeyman" or targeting "fascist collaborators."
If this systemic oppression marked by the suppression of free speech and the branding of individuals as "accomplices of autocracy" or "Indian agents" through anonymous, fabricated complaints is allowed to persist, an inevitable reaction, mirroring Newton's Third Law, will become unavoidable.
Finally, prejudicial condemnation prior to judicial adjudication stands in direct contravention of international human rights standards and established constitutional jurisprudence. Human rights organizations underscore that should public discontent culminate in a collective backlash, institutional stability may be severely compromised.
Consequently, national expectation dictates that the institutionalization of good governance and the preservation of the rule of law can only be guaranteed by a constitutionally elected government operating within a normalized democratic framework.
Fully 45% of Bangladeshis view political parties as corrupt, while 41% regard the parliament as corrupt. Only the police and the judiciary are viewed as more corrupt. Many politicians are regarded as out-and-out criminals, while the parties also "are believed to harbour criminals and terrorists," according to Transparency International Bangladesh. The parties routinely exchange party funds for favours or pay them out because of extortion. They also improperly use state funds to buy jobs, licenses, and contracts for party members and other purposes. Party finances are largely non-transparent; despite regulations requiring reporting to the election commission, reports are scanty or absent and non-compliance is rarely punished. Also, both the parliament and the political parties are under the influence of business, with 56% of MPs now being business people.
Corruption is widespread in the Bangladeshi land administration, banking system, government recruitment process, healthcare services, law and order authorities and so on. Most companies expect to make informal payments in exchange for construction permits. In a country where land is scarce, title disputes are common, and title registration takes much longer than is the average in South Asia. The collapse of an eight-story factory in April 2013 was the result of substantial building code violations and highlighted the role of corruption in the issuance of permits and licenses and in safety inspections.
Professor Anu Muhammad, Jahangirnagar University said that the malpractice of misusing ACC for illegally manipulating state organs and extorting bribes from private sector like journalists, media entrepreneurs, business groups, academic scholars etcetera cannot be stopped without right intentions from ruling authorities. He expressed disappointment saying that unscrupulous individuals pulling unlawful strings from ACC and other regulators were not subjected to proper actions under any governments in the past.
Dr. Iftekharuzzaman, Executive Director of Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) stated that influencing ACC officials in undue ways is a longstanding evil exercise in the country which is endorsed by political parties, civil bureaucracy and financial administrators. Correction is required on part of all quarters who abuse their links with state-run agencies for unethical purposes.
On the other hand, Dr. Hossain Zillur Rahman called upon the present government to take uncompromising actions against manipulators and oligarchs who carry out immoral jobs by means of their affiliation with powerful regulators inside and outside the government.
