Dr. Mohammed A Rab
On 5 August 2026, exactly two years after leaving office, former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina reentered Bangladesh's political debate with a lengthy address delivered in New Delhi. She defended her government's record, challenged prevailing interpretations of the July-August 2024 uprising, criticized the governments that followed, and called for national reconciliation on specific conditions. Reactions were predictable. Supporters welcomed the speech as a necessary response to what they regard as a one-sided official narrative, while critics dismissed it as an attempt to rewrite history.
Yet the speech's importance lies less in its claims than in what it reveals about Bangladesh today. Two years after one of the country's most consequential political transitions, Bangladesh is no longer debating only the events of August 2024. It is confronting a more fundamental question: can democratic legitimacy survive when competing political narratives supplant trusted institutions as the primary source of public truth?
Bangladesh now lives with two sharply different interpretations of its recent past. One portrays the fall of the Awami League government as the culmination of popular resistance to increasingly authoritarian rule. The other depicts it as a political movement that evolved beyond its original student demands and ultimately removed an elected government through extraconstitutional means. Both narratives draw on evidence, and both include claims that remain disputed. More significantly, both increasingly rely on selective facts that reinforce political identity rather than fostering a shared understanding of national events.
This struggle over narrative extends far beyond politics. It shapes public confidence in the judiciary, law enforcement, elections, economic management, and even official statistics. Democracies do not require unanimous agreement on history. They do require institutions capable of investigating contested events in ways that citizens across the political divide regard as impartial. Bangladesh has yet to establish that level of institutional confidence.
The events surrounding the July and August 2024 protests illustrate this dilemma. Independent investigations, including the United Nations Human Rights Office report, documented widespread excessive force by state security agencies during the suppression of demonstrations. These findings strengthened calls for accountability and fueled international criticism of the Awami League government. At the same time, the former government has consistently argued that the protests escalated into organized violence targeting police stations, government facilities, transport infrastructure, and ruling party offices, necessitating state action to restore public order. These competing accounts persist because no institution commands sufficient confidence across the political spectrum to reconcile them.
The governments that followed inherited more than a political crisis. They also inherited weakened institutions, eroding public trust, and exceptionally high expectations for democratic renewal. Their challenge was not merely to replace one administration with another, but to demonstrate that the rule of law, judicial independence, and political freedoms would be strengthened under the new political order.
That objective has proved difficult to achieve.
The interim government launched investigations into alleged abuses committed before August 2024 and announced a series of institutional reforms. Many victims and human rights advocates welcomed these efforts. At the same time, domestic observers, international media, and rights organizations raised concerns about due process, prolonged detention, and the transparency of legal proceedings involving political figures. These concerns do not negate the need for accountability. They do, however, raise legitimate questions about whether legal processes have consistently upheld the impartiality required to command confidence across the political spectrum.
Political violence has also remained a source of concern. Multiple media reports and human rights organizations documented attacks on Awami League leaders, activists, supporters, homes, businesses, and party offices after the transition. Incidents of arson, vandalism, intimidation, and mob violence suggested that political retaliation was, at times, occurring outside formal legal institutions. Although the scale and coordination of these incidents remain contested, their widespread reporting warrants serious attention.
Even more contentious are allegations of arbitrary arrests, custodial abuse, enforced disappearances, torture, killings, and politically motivated prosecutions involving individuals associated with the former ruling party. Some of these allegations have been documented by domestic and international human rights organizations, while others remain disputed or await judicial determination. Distinguishing among documented facts, credible allegations, disputed claims, and political rhetoric is therefore essential. Democracies are weakened both when allegations are accepted uncritically and when credible evidence is dismissed for partisan reasons.
Ultimately, Bangladesh's democratic challenge extends beyond electoral competition. Elections determine who governs, but they alone do not determine whether government authority is considered legitimate. Democratic legitimacy also depends on the equal application of the law, judicial independence, procedural fairness, and the protection of political rights, regardless of partisan affiliation. The central question is therefore no longer simply who holds power. It is whether Bangladesh's institutions are becoming sufficiently independent to command the confidence of both those who govern and those who oppose them.
Political legitimacy in Bangladesh depends not only on elections and governance but also on the country's constitutional identity. Since independence, Bangladesh has sought to balance its Muslim-majority identity with the secular, democratic, and linguistic nationalism that emerged from the Liberation War. The August 2024 transition has reignited this longstanding debate.
Supporters of the new political order argue that it has expanded political and religious space after years of centralized rule. Critics, however, contend that the shifting political environment has emboldened conservative religious groups whose narratives challenge aspects of the country's Liberation history and its secular constitutional tradition. Debates over historical memory, national symbols, education, and the role of religion in politics have become increasingly polarized. Democratic societies should accommodate diverse viewpoints, but they also depend on a shared constitutional commitment that protects equal citizenship regardless of political or religious identity. If ideological competition begins to redefine the state's foundational principles, political polarization may become institutionalized.
The economy offers another measure of institutional credibility. Since the political transition, Bangladesh has experienced slower growth, persistent inflation, rising poverty, and mounting stress in the banking sector. These trends are supported by official statistics and international assessments, though political actors on all sides often exaggerate or selectively interpret the data to bolster their narratives. More important, political uncertainty, weak governance, and declining confidence in public institutions impose economic costs that extend well beyond quarterly growth figures. Investment depends as much on predictable institutions, credible regulation, and an independent judiciary as on macroeconomic performance. When competing political camps cannot agree even on basic economic facts, public confidence in the institutions that produce those statistics begins to erode.
Two years after August 2024, Bangladesh has reached an important moment of reflection. The country's central challenge is no longer merely the transfer of political power. It is whether successive governments can demonstrate that democratic institutions are stronger than partisan interests.
That requires acknowledging uncomfortable truths across the political spectrum. The Awami League government faced sustained criticism for democratic backsliding, restrictions on political competition, and the excessive use of state power. Those criticisms contributed significantly to the crisis that culminated in August 2024. At the same time, the governments that followed have faced increasing scrutiny over political violence, allegations of selective justice, constraints on political participation, and questions about equal protection under the law. Democratic renewal cannot be achieved by replacing one dominant political narrative with another while preserving the institutional practices that weakened public trust in the first place.
The ultimate measure of democratic success is therefore not whether one political interpretation prevails over another. It is whether courts are trusted to apply the law impartially, election authorities command confidence in administering credible elections, and law enforcement agencies protect citizens regardless of political affiliation. Public institutions derive legitimacy not from the popularity of governments but from the fairness, consistency, and transparency with which they fulfill their responsibilities.
Sheikh Hasina's August 5 speech reminded Bangladesh that the struggle over recent history remains unresolved. Yet the country's future will not ultimately be determined by whose narrative proves more persuasive. It will depend on whether Bangladesh can rebuild institutions that establish facts through due process, protect rights regardless of political identity, and ensure that accountability is applied equally to all citizens. Democracies endure not because political disagreements disappear, but because citizens trust the institutions that govern them.
Bangladesh's enduring challenge, therefore, is not simply who governs. It is whether the state's institutions can command confidence across political divides and provide every citizen, regardless of party or ideology, with equal protection under the law, meaningful political participation, and assurance that constitutional governance remains stronger than partisan power. Only then can competing narratives gradually give way to a shared democratic future.
Dr. Mohammed A Rab is an
economist based in Dallas, USA.
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