Published: 09:11 AM, 29 September 2026
Monsters Raised by Interim Rulers: The Ugly Visage of Mob Violence Still Scares People
Sarwar Chowdhury
Bangladesh's period under the interim government led by Dr. Muhammad Yunus was marked not only by promises of institutional reform and accountability, but also by a growing struggle to contain mob violence, political reprisals, attacks on minorities, and assaults on freedom of expression.
The scale of mob violence became particularly alarming in 2025. According to data compiled by Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), at least 197 people were killed in mob attacks during 2025, compared with 128 in 2024. ASK reported that at least 293 people were killed in mob violence during the tenure of the interim government. Human Rights Watch separately described an "alarming surge" in mob violence by political groups and other non-state actors.
These figures point to a fundamental challenge for any government: when crowds, political activists, religious hardliners or other organized groups assume the power to punish alleged offenders outside the courts, the rule of law becomes dangerously fragile.
One of the most disturbing episodes occurred in September 2025 in Goalanda, Rajbari. A mob attacked the shrine associated with Nurul Haque, popularly known as Nura Pagla, vandalized the site and exhumed his body from its grave before setting it on fire. At least one person died and dozens were injured in the violence. The interim government condemned the incident as abhorrent and despicable.
The incident was shocking not merely because of the destruction of a religious site, but because it demonstrated how quickly a dispute over religious beliefs could descend into collective violence and desecration. It also raised questions about whether law-enforcement authorities were sufficiently prepared to prevent mobs from taking control of public spaces.
Courthouses were not immune. In November 2024, violence erupted around the Chattogram court complex following the rejection of bail for Hindu religious leader Chinmoy Krishna Das. His supporters clashed with police and lawyers, and the violence spread around the court premises. Lawyer Saiful Islam Alif was killed. Contemporary reports said protesters vandalized areas of the court complex and attacked vehicles belonging to lawyers. Police subsequently identified alleged attackers and filed multiple cases.
The episode illustrated the vulnerability of the justice system itself. Courts are supposed to be places where accusations are tested through evidence, legal representation and due process. When crowds surround court premises or violence prevents lawyers from safely performing their duties, the justice system can become hostage to intimidation.
The media also faced extraordinary pressure. Human Rights Watch reported that authorities under the interim government filed murder charges against at least 140 journalists in connection with their reporting on the 2024 political upheaval and withdrew more than 150 press accreditations. The organization warned that mass criminal complaints and arbitrary arrests could reproduce abusive practices associated with the previous government.
Later, in December 2025, mobs attacked and burned the offices of The Daily Star and Prothom Alo, two of Bangladesh's leading newspapers. Journalists were trapped inside burning buildings before being rescued. Reuters described the attacks as a major blow to press freedom.
The deterioration of public security also affected religious minorities. Human Rights Watch documented repeated attacks against Hindus and other minorities after the fall of Sheikh Hasina's government, while noting that some claims circulating on social media were exaggerated. At the same time, the organization concluded that an increase in violence against the Hindu community was real and cited reports of vandalism against Hindu homes, businesses and places of worship.
Women and girls likewise remained vulnerable. A 2026 United Nations document reviewing developments in 2025 cited reports from Bangladeshi rights organizations indicating a serious increase in sexual violence. Ain o Salish Kendra data cited in the document recorded 306 girls raped between January and July 2025, an increase of nearly 75 percent from the comparable period in 2024. The same document reported hundreds of rape cases involving women during the first nine months of 2025.
The broader question is whether the state was able to protect citizens from both official abuse and violence by non-state actors. Human Rights Watch said the interim government struggled to maintain law and order and warned that political violence, mob attacks and harassment of journalists were becoming serious problems. Amnesty International likewise reported arbitrary arrests and harassment of individuals exercising freedom of expression under the interim administration.
This does not erase the grave abuses committed during the final months of Sheikh Hasina's government. A United Nations investigation found that security forces had committed serious violations during the 2024 protests, with the UN estimating that as many as 1,400 people were killed between July 1 and August 15, 2024. Accountability for those crimes remains an important part of Bangladesh's search for justice.
But accountability cannot mean replacing one form of impunity with another.
Political affiliation, religious identity, profession or public reputation cannot determine whether someone receives due process. Allegations must be investigated individually, evidence must be tested in court, and people who are detained without sufficient evidence should have meaningful access to judicial review. Human Rights Watch has specifically criticized the use of mass criminal complaints and unnamed accused, warning that such practices can facilitate arbitrary detention and intimidation.
For Bangladesh, the central lesson of the interim period is therefore straightforward: neither the state nor the mob can be permitted to stand above the law.
Teachers, journalists, cultural organizers, businesspeople, lawyers, academics and political activists accused of crimes should receive fair and timely judicial proceedings. Where cases are unsupported by credible evidence, courts and prosecutors should provide appropriate remedies, including dismissal or release where legally warranted. Those responsible for killings, sexual violence, attacks on minorities, destruction of on who governs, but on whether ordinary citizens can live without fear of arbitrary arrest, political retaliation or mob punishment. The promise of reform can only become meaningful when the rule of religious sites, assaults on journalists and violence against court officials should likewise face impartial investigation and prosecution.
The future of Bangladesh's democracy will depend not simply on who governs, but on whether ordinary citizens can live without fear of arbitrary arrest, political retaliation or mob punishment. The promise of reform can only become meaningful when the rule of law protects everyone—including political opponents, minorities, journalists and critics—from both official power and the power of the crowd.
Sarwar Chowdhury writes
on geopolitical standings and contemporary matters.
