Emergency in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Reactions Within!

Imposition of emergency and Governor’s rule in Pakistani province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) has evoked sharp reactions in Pakistan. A leading columnist, Zahid Hussain in a hard-hitting write-up has come down heavily on the establishment on this promulgation.  In his column, while criticizing this hasty act where both the Houses of Parliament approved within hours and by a two thirds majority, the decision to remove an elected provincial government and impose a state of emergency and governor’s rule, with no substantive debate has been questioned.

The columnist elaborates his views as was obvious that the decision had already been taken elsewhere, and that a Parliament of debatable legitimacy was, as usual, expected to attest it.  Most members may not even have comprehended the constitutional provisions invoked to declare a State of Emergency in a province, or whether those provisions applied to the conditions at hand.  Ridiculing the decision, the writer went to the extent of describing it as a puppet show.

Meanwhile, the prominent English newspaper `Dawn’ says that over the past two years, Parliament has passed the 26th and 27th Amendments, effectively destroying the essence of a Constitution that rests on the independence of the judiciary.  That was perhaps the most shameful moment in Pakistani Parliament history when ministers were shown the draft only hours before the session, and members were handed it on the floor of the House and were passed in undue haste, the `Dawn’ said.

The newspaper further alleged that in a democracy, Parliament is not only meant to legislate; it is also expected to safeguard the national interests and discuss key policy matters. That criterion does not seem to apply to Pakistan Parliament.  One hardly witnesses a major foreign or national security issue being deliberated by the representatives of the people, and there is scarcely any meaningful debate even on critical constitutional matters.  This ineffectiveness of the country’s highest legislative body reflects the sorry plight of democracy against the backdrop of increasing authoritarianism.

Significantly, question is also asked now that one can barely recollect a foreign or national security policy being debated in parliament, nor even in its committees; one wonders whether such policies are discussed and approved by the cabinet at all.  The main reason the government has given for its action in KP is that the provincial government was unwilling to cooperate in Counter Terrorism (CT) operations in the province worst hit by the resurgence of terror linked violence.  However, this argument does not hold water.

Another question is also brought up that whether the country has a well-crafted overarching CT policy in place, and, if it does have, whether that policy has ever been discussed in cabinet, let alone presented before the Parliament or any of its committees for deliberation?  It is also felt that there is no clarity on how to deal with this terror related threat.  Pakistan media also castigates that Balochistan, another strategically located province, has been bleeding for over 25 years with rising separatist violence.  Consequently, the country has now lost control of large parts of the province, with an unrepresentative provincial government at the helm.  Yet, neither the cabinet nor the Parliament has any say in such a grave national security matter.  While the ousted provincial government is being held responsible for the worsening situation in KP, who is responsible for the state of affairs in Balochistan?  The reality is that the policy on Balochistan lies outside the domain of the present civilian set-up.  This query is relevant and has clearly put the government on the backfoot.

Reactions in Pakistan also being out that there are apprehensions that emergency rule in KP could be the first step towards extending it to the entire country.  Will a Parliament that has endorsed emergency rule in KP also endorse any such action, even though it would further curtail its own powers? This is one crucial question that has been raised following imposition of the emergency.  One objective of emergency rule is perhaps to clear the ground for the resetting of administrative units, an extremely volatile issue for some of the coalition parties, particularly the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP).  The Sindh Assembly has already voted against administrative changes.  Still, with the legitimacy question hanging over its head, it would be extremely difficult for the Parliament to resist a measure that could further consolidate authoritarian rule in the country.

Most importantly, the columnist (Zahid Hussain) further reckons that the shadow of authoritarianism looms over the country as a Parliament with a dubious mandate has already caved in whatever little power it had left.  The collapse of a system built on a mandate seen as stolen, seems imminent, with its patrons possibly planning a new setup and it will be a further regressive step, taking an already unstable state down a perilous path.

Here, views of an eminent media person and the newspaper have been circulating in the knowledgeable circles in Pakistan.  Field Marshal Asim Munir and Prime Minister Shebhaz Sharif may choose not to heed the warnings which are now loud and clear.  This ostrich like attitude by them may prove costly in the not so long run. To neutralize the continued terror threats adversely affecting security interests of Pakistan, Pakistan would do well in revamping its counter terror architecture, overhaul its intelligence set up and engage the terrorist leadership in talks to address the menace.  If Pakistan can attempt to mediate in the US-Iran war, it could also deal with the threats emanating from within by taking to the actors.  It seems it is visibly ignoring the reality.  This real issue and is refusing to see the writings on the wall. They will be in real trouble when other states including KP will see yet another turbulent Balochistan like situation cropping up in not so distant future. 

So, the draconian measure of imposition of emergency is unlikely to help but may eventually lead to resurfacing of despotic regime reminiscent of the days of Field Marshal Ayub Khan, General Yahya Khan, General Zia-ul-Haq and General Pervez Musharraf.  Can Pakistan afford this when its economy is in dire straits and multiple internal troubles prevailing are beyond control?


Dr. Shantanu Mukharji is a retired 
IPS officer and former National 
Security Advisor in Mauritius.